Sean W Burges, “Seria o Itamaraty um problema para a política externa brasileira?” Política Externa (Brazil) 21 (3) (Dez/Jan/Fev, 2012-2013): 133-148.
Brazil has reached a more prominent role in the international arena, due to the recent economic crises that struck Europe and North America and the new arrangements of the global geopolitics. This situation gives the coun- try an extraordinary opportunity to advance its own development and strengthen its interests in the new structures of world governance. This article argues that a combination of domestic political disinterest and the inherent conservativeness of the Itamaraty bureaucracy create a serious risk that Brazil will accidentally watch the future slip away. For Itamaraty the specific challenge is to shift its institutional thinking away from the static positions left as a legacy by Rio Branco to the dynamic proactiveness that allowed the Baron to transform his country’s foreign policy and set Brazil up for one hundred years of security.
Sean W. Burges (2012): Strategies and Tactics for Global Change: Democratic Brazil in Comparative Perspective, Global Society, 26:3, 351-368.
Brazil has consistently been seeking a more influential place at global decision-making tables in order to preserve its sovereignty and protect its national policy autonomy. The challenge for Brazilian diplomats is that their country lacks the economic or military muscle to force a way onto these tables. Subtler avenues for inclusion are thus needed. Seven of the main tactics employed in Brazilian foreign policy are outlined here, and range from the defensive/passive (avoiding mindless opposition, collectivisation) through the neutral (consensus creation, technocratic speak) to the assertive (building new organisations, propagating new thinking) and finally to the aggressive (principled presidential righteousness).
Carlos Pio (2012), "Brazil’s Influence Is Nominal, at Best" in The New York Times, publication May 11, 2012.
Barry Carr (2012), (edited together with Jeffrey Webber), The Resurgence of Latin American Radicalism: Between Cracks in the Empire and an Izquierda Permitida (Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, estimated publication 2012).
Barry Carr (2012), (co-editor with John Minns), Thinking the Future of Australian-Latin American Relations (Canberra: ANU E-Press, 2012).
Barry Carr (2011/12), ‘Across Seas and Borders’: Charting the Webs of Radical Internationalism in the Circum Caribbean, 1910-1940 ‘ in Luis Roniger, Pablo Yankelevich and James Green (eds), Exile and the politics of Exclusion in the Americas (Penn State University Press, 2011/2012).
Sean Burges (2011), “Brazil: Making Room at the Main Table.” In Brian McKercher, ed., The Routledge Handbook of Diplomacy and Statecraft (London: Routledge).
This chapter explains two sets of changes that have taken place in Brazilian foreign policy over the last decade. The first change is internal to Brazil, representing a soft democratization of the foreign policy formation process to include actors beyond the traditional foreign ministry and presidency. The second change relates to Brazil’s place in global councils, explaining how Brazil has moved from a country often seen as a basket case to one that is now occupying a central role at international decision-making tables.
Sean Burges (2011), “Brazilian International Development Cooperation: Budgets, Procedures and Issues with Engagements,” Global Studies Review 7 (3) (Fall).
Little is known about new donors and how they are going about their development cooperation activities. Drawing on the Brazilian case, Burges contrasts Western development assistance programming–as an accoutrement to poverty reduction–compared to south-south initiatives that consider assistance as the essential starting point.
Guy Emerson (2011), “Embracing Strangeness: The Politics of Solidarity,” Alternatives: Global, Local, Political 36 (3): 221-239.
Be it the ideal of liberal democracy, the opening of local markets to the fluctuations of international capital, or the elusive quest for development, the discursive strategies of the North and the policy orientations that they enable toward the South are well explored. Less explored, however, is the way in which the South interacts with this received wisdom. This article explicitly focuses on how Venezuela, as one of the more outspoken southern states, works within and subverts the dominant U.S.-authored tropes in Latin America. It suggests that while U.S. representations of the Chávez administration as a strange anomaly in the America’s resonate in Venezuela and beyond, it is possible for Venezuela to subvert these messages by ‘‘embracing strangeness.’’ That is, by embracing and expanding the difference attributed to them onto the rest of Latin America, Venezuela is able to use ‘‘strangeness’’ to open up possibilities for new meanings and political spaces in the Americas.
Sean Burges and Jean Daudelin (2011) “Moving In, Carving Out, Proliferating: The Many Faces of Brazil's Multilateralism Since 1989,” Pensamiento Propio 16 (33) (January-June, 2011): pp. 35-64.
This paper has modest aims. It identifies the dominant patterns in Brazil’s involvement in multilateral arrangements since its return to full democratic rule in 1989 and asks a single question: How supportive has Brazil been of the maintenance and consolidation of institutional mechanisms of collective governance in the Americas and beyond? We argue that Brazil hedges its bets, playing what we term a weak institutionalist game that involves three patterns of behavious: pushing for reform or more space for itself in influential organizations, fighting or constraining arrangements it sees as disadvantageous, and promoting alternative arrangements which it is more likely to control.
Guy Emerson (2011), “A Bolivarian People: Identity politics in Hugo Chávez’s Venezuela,” Humanities Research 27 (1): http://epress.anu.edu.au/apps/bookworm/view/Humanities+Research+Vol+XVII.+No.+1.+2011./5401/upfront.xhtml
The 1998 electoral success of Hugo Chávez brought about a dramatic shift in Venezuelan identity. While rhetorically inclusive at first glance, references to the ‘Venezuelan people’ would not speak to all Venezuelans. Rather, the ‘people’ would come to denote a previously marginalised segment of society now at the centre of Venezuelan political life. More than a simple reorientation in political focus, this shift in the politics of Venezuelan identity sends out a set of messages that acts as a symbolic boundary to frame, limit and domesticate an official ‘Bolivarian’ identity. It is the construction of this new official identity assembled, in part, from the ruins of the previous order that concerns this article.
Anthea McCarthy-Jones and Mark Turner (2011), “Explaining Radical Policy Change: The Case of Venezuelan Foreign Policy,” Policy Studies 32 (5): pp. 549-567.
This article uses the case study of the radical changes that have occurred in Venezuelan foreign policy to test the utility of different models of policy-making, looking specifically at policy transfer but more especially at two long-standing frameworks that look at policy-making in terms of societal or state interests as determining the orientation and contents of policy. Using the radical changes to foreign policy introduced by President Cha ́vez as the case study, it was found that no one model is capable of explaining change. It is necessary to move between models and even add novel elements in order to understand the complexity of events and their underlying causes. In Venezuela, it was found that a society- centred model was the best fit for the period leading up to President Cha ́vez’s presidency when a state-centred model provided much greater explanatory power. Policy transfer figured little in the radical policy shifts but the incorporation of the concept of veto players into both society and state-centred models of policy- making proved useful.
Anthea McCarthy-Jones & Alastair Greig (2011): Somos hijos de Sandino y
Bolívar: Radical Pan-American Traditions in Historical and Cultural Context, Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research, 17:2, 231-248
This paper provides a comparative history of radical pan-Americanism with the view to
examining its potential under contemporary geo-political and socio-economic
conditions. Radical pan-Americanism has manifested itself in different ways according
to specific national contexts and historical circumstances. It has been inspired by local
popular struggles against imperialist power and through the recognition of a shared
history. In contrast, hegemonic pan-Americanism has tended to be driven by the
interests of powerful states and their strategic interests. We emphasise how radical pan-
Americanism has periodically reappeared in response to the prevailing form of
hegemonic pan-Americanism. Two historical traditions are examined—the Venezuelan
tradition and the Nicaraguan tradition. These examples suggest that the possibilities
of uniting local inflections of radical pan-Americanism depend upon the prevailing
geo-political climate. We conclude by assessing whether the early twenty-first century
is a propitious moment for radical pan-Americanism, or another false dawn.
Ian Farrington (2010), “The houses and ‘fortress’ of Waskar: archaeological perspectives on a forgotten building complex in Inka Cusco,” Journal of Iberian and Latin American Studies 16 (2) (December): pp. 87-99.
The Inka capital, Cusco, is basically interpreted from the historical documentation of the Chronicles and early administrative texts. Despite the fact that History and Archaeology offer complementary data and interpretative opportunities, the latter has contributed very little to this understanding. In this paper, I demonstrate that archaeology offers an appropriate explanation for buildings that were known as the houses and fortress of Waskar in the distribution of solares of 1534 but which were never mentioned again. By using techniques of town plan analysis, urban archaeology, and the comparative analysis of cultural assemblages, a high platform now occupied by the Colegio San Borja and the Parque Tricentenario above the northwestern corner of the plaza is argued to be the location of the houses, while the slope below now in Calle Suecia and the Portal de Panes was characterised by fine terraces, with zig-zag salients and gateways, that gave it the term fortress.
Sean Burges (2010), “Brazil as the Regional Leader: Meeting the Chávez Challenge,” Current History (February): 53-59.
As Brazil prepares to elect Lula’s successor, a debate often heard within the country and among outside observers concerns the extent to which Lula’s policies are original or merely a continua- tion of initiatives launched under previous gov- ernments. A strong argument can be made, in the realm of regional policy, that Lula has pursued continuity with different packaging. What is new in the Lula administration’s management of rela- tions with Latin American countries is an activist tone, along with an increasingly public debate on regional affairs. This debate itself reflects the fact that the Brazilian polity and economy are becom- ing increasingly international.
Guy Emerson (2010), “Radical Neglect? The “War on Terror” and Latin America” Latin American Politics and Society 52 (1) (Spring): pp. 33-62 http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1548-2456.2010.00073.x/abstract
The rise of leftist governments in the Americas and the adoption of policy initiatives contrary to U.S. interests highlight a disconnect in interamerican relations, which cannot be understood simply as U.S. “neglect” of Latin America. In contrast to arguments that attribute the deteriorating relations to U.S. preoccupation with the Middle East, the article examines whether the “War on Terror” acted as a guiding paradigm for the George W. Bush administration in Latin America. Opposition to this “War on Terror” paradigm was evident following Colombia's 2008 air strike in Ecuador. Justified as a preemptive strike against a terrorist threat, Colombia's action met regional condemnation. The article argues that this Colombia-Latin America division reflects a larger geostrategic disconnect, whereby the “War on Terror” is challenged, causing the increasing marginalization of Washington and resistance to U.S. policy.
Sean Burges (2010), “The Possibilities and Perils of Presidential Diplomacy: Lessons from the Lula Years in Brazil.” In Denis Rolland and Antônio Carlos Lessa, eds., Relations Internationales du Brésil: Les Chemins de la Puissance Vol. 1 (Paris: L’Harmattan).
The Lula years emerge as notable because they mark one of larger shifts in the Brazilian foreign policy-making process since the Baron of Rio Branco established a technocratic foreign ministry in 1902. On a more conceptual level the Lula brand of presidential diplomacy is interesting because its changing nature over the last eight years highlights the possibilities and perils of this diplomatic device, with the last year of Lula’s international presence perhaps proving the most challenging for Itamaraty. To flesh these ideas out this chapter will begin with a brief review of the concept of presidential diplomacy. Attention will then be turned to the policy-making changes that Lula’s government brought to Brazil’s international engagement and the manner in which presidential diplomacy drove these changes and was deployed as a tactic to advance the Worker’s Party foreign policy. The possibilities and perils of presidential diplomacy will then be outlined through reference to Lula’s activities. Finally, the chapter concludes by arguing that the Lulista version of presidential diplomacy has opened unproven, but potentially fruitful future possibilities for Brazil in the global South. Central to this is the proposition that the Lula presidency has precipitated a democratization of Brazilian foreign policy that has eroded the hegemony of Itamaraty and created the space for wider intra-governmental and societal debate about Brazil’s international relations.
Ian S. Farrington (2010), “The urban archaeology of Inka Cusco: a case study of Hatunkancha,” in J.R. Bárcena & H. Chiavazza (eds.) Arqueología Argentina en el Bicentenario de la Revolución de Mayo, Simposio 26: Tawantinsuyu (Mendoza, AR: Tomo III / Universidad Nacional de Cuyo. Mendoza): pp. 1247-1252
Sean Burges and Leslie Elliott Armijo (2010), “Brazil, the Entrepreneurial and Democratic BRIC”, Polity 42 (1) (January): 14-37.
By most objective metrics, Brazil is the least imposing of the ‘‘BRICs countries’’— less populous than China and India, slower-growing in recent years than China, India, or Russia, and the only member of the group lacking nuclear weapons. We argue that Brazil’s material capabilities are more significant than commonly supposed. Moreover, Brazil’s democratic transition in the mid-1980s, along with that of its neighbors, has for the first time enabled Brazil to realize its promise of becoming a regional leader in South America. On the basis of its democratic and regional prominence, Brazil has become an effective political entrepreneur at the global level, initiating and participating in multilateral fora as diverse as the trade G20, the financial G20, and now the BRICs club. On issues of style, inclusion, and distributive justice, Brazil reliably sides with the ‘‘South.’’ Yet its core public policy instincts embrace familiar ‘‘Northern’’ preferences: liberal, and mixed-capitalist, democracy.
Guy Emerson (2009), “Cambio en las Américas: ¿un movimiento hacia la autonomía Sudamericana? / Change in the Americas: a movement towards greater South American Autonomy?” Cuadernos sobre Relaciones Internacionales, Regionalismo y Desarrollo Vol. 4. No. 8. (Julio-Diciembre):
http://www.saber.ula.ve/bitstream/123456789/31798/1/articulo2.pdf (link unavailable)
The rise of leftist governments throughout South America illustrates a division within inter-American relations. Using the division as a starting point, this article investigates the proposition that the change in relations represents an expression of autonomy by South America. The dimension of this change are explored through two regional organisations: Mercosur and the Bank of the South. In contrast to analysis that confines its explanation of change to events in Washington, this article will argue that internal factors underpin South American autonomy. While commodity prices influence the region, internal factors exercise as much influence over South American autonomy as those external.
Sean Burges (2009), Brazilian Foreign Policy After the Cold War (Gainesville, FL: University Press of Florida).
Since 1992--the end of the Cold War--Brazil has been slowly and quietly carving a niche for itself in the international community: that of a regional leader in Latin America. How and why is the subject of Sean Burges's investigations. Under President Fernando Henrique Cardoso, Brazil embarked on a new direction vis-à-vis foreign policy. Brazilian diplomats set out to lead South America and the global south without actively claiming leadership or incurring the associated costs. They did so to protect Brazil's national autonomy in an ever-changing political climate.
Burges utilizes recently declassified documents and in-depth interviews with Brazilian leaders to track the adoption and implementation of Brazil's South American foreign policy and to explain the origins of this trajectory. Leadership and desire to lead have, until recently, been a contentious and forcefully disavowed ambition for Brazilian diplomats. Burges dispels this illusion and provides a framework for understanding the conduct and ambitions of Brazilian foreign policy that can be applied to the wider global arena.
Sean Burges (2009), “Brazil: Towards a Neoliberal Democracy.” In Jean Grugel and Pia Riggirozzi, eds., Governance After Neoliberalism in Latin America (London: Palgrave).
Brazil during the neoliberal era is a particularly interesting case because it is an example of economic policy being consciously used to reform the nature of both the economy and politics of a country while simultaneously reflecting a shift in nature of policies required for electoral success. It is also an interesting case because the political leadership in the country at the presidential level was the critical factor initiating, leading, and maintaining the transformative economic policies. As will be set out in the first section, Fernando Henrique Cardoso drew on a new political reality to explicitly deploy the principles of classical liberal economics during his presidency (1995-2002) in an effort to consolidate and further liberalize democracy within Brazil while simultaneously seeking to create a stable platform upon which future years of growth might take place. The criticality of the political shift that underpinned Cardoso’s programs was reinforced by the presidency of the Workers’ Party Luiz Inácio da Silva. The cosmetic twists and turns Lula added along the way to appease his political base will be outlined in the second section. The transformation in Brazil’s profile that begins to emerge in the final section suggests that it is not liberal or neoliberal-style economic policies that are the problem per se, but that the failures stem from a lack of concomitant governance reforms, chiefly the absence of adequate institutional and regulatory reform as well as a shortage of investment in key areas such as infrastructure.
Alaistair Greig and M Turner (2008), “The Millennium Development Goals and Pacific Island Countries,” State, Society and Governance in Melanesia Briefing Notes No. 9: pp 1-4.
Alaistair Greig, M Hynes and S Sharpe (2008) “Chasing Democracy: Dissent, Civil Society and Humour,” Social Alternatives 27 (1): pp. 34-8.
Given the recent political climate in which the previous federal government employed various techniques .In an attempt to silence dissent, as well as the media's ability to negate or incorporate serious critique, It was Incumbent upon would-be-dissenters to find alternative means to engage the public. Humour has long been recognized as an important political strategy. It has been used to belittle the powerful, but also to highlight the absurdity of given political, social and cultural conditions. This article examines The Chaser's now infamous APEC stunts. The Chaser found a novel way of conveying the criticisms that others had made of APEC, concerning the exclusion of the public and the attrition of basic civil rights under the guise of security. We consider the role this might play in addressing a wide spread sense of political disenfranchisement. Sharing In the joke enlarges public participation, but also creates an alternative memory of APEC.
Sean Burges (2008), “Consensual Hegemony: Theorizing the Practice of Brazilian Foreign Policy.” International Relations 22 (1) (March): 65-84.
Conventional approaches to hegemony emphasize elements of coercion and exclusion, characteristics that do not adequately explain the operation of the growing number of regional projects or the style of emerging-power foreign policy. This article develops the concept of consensual hegemony, explaining how a structure can be articulated, disseminated and maintained without relying on force to recruit the participation of other actors. The central idea is the construction of a structural vision, or hegemony, that specifically includes the nominally subordinate, engaging in a process of dialogue and interaction that causes the subordinate parties to appropriate and absorb the substance and requisites of the hegemony as their own. The utility of consensual hegemony as an analytical device, especially for the study of regionalism and emerging market power foreign policy, is outlined with reference to Brazil's post-Cold War foreign policy, demonstrating both how a consensual hegemony might be pursued and where the limits to its ideas-based nature lie.
Alaistair Greig, D Hulme, and M Turner (2007), Challenging Global Inequality: Development Theory and Practice in the Twenty-First Century (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan).
This major text on development theory and practice takes as its starting point the challenge of overcoming global poverty and inequality. It traces the origins of the idea of Development Studies and introduces the main methodologies and theories of development, and examines the challenges of the twenty-first century.
Ian Farrington, Y Lu, H Gardner and H Jin, et al (2007), “Interactive Reconstruction of Archaeological Fragments in a Collaborative Environment,” in Murk J Bottema, Anthony Maeder, Nick Redding, Anton van den Hengel, eds., Digital Image Computing: Techniques and Applications (DICTA 2007) (Australia: IEEE Inc): pp. 23-29.
Sean Burges, Jean Daudelin and Roy Fuller (2007-2008), “Latin America’s Energy Infrastructure and Terrorism: A Tentative Vulnerability Assessment.” Critical Energy Infrastructure Protection Policy Research Series, Canadian Center for Intelligence and Security Studies, No. 4: pp. 36.
In the global energy game, Latin America and the Caribbean are relatively important but regional players. Although Chile, Uruguay and some small countries Central American and Caribbean countries are net importers, the region as a whole produces significantly more energy than it consumes. It is mainly through US dependence that energy infrastructure security in the region has implications beyond its own borders. Those implications are mildly negative, as the region’s energy infrastructure is quite vulnerable, but threats against it still relatively few. There is a general lack of redundancy in the system, with very little excess capacity and in many countries, a large part of production, transportation and transformation concentrated in a few facilities.
Sean Burges (2007), “Building a Global Southern Coalition: The Competing Approaches of Brazil’s Lula and Venezuela’s Chavez.” Third World Quarterly 28 (7) (October): 1343-1358.
This paper will set out the two very different regional leadership strategies being pursued by Brazil and Venezuela, concluding that it is the Brazilian neo-structuralist vision that will have more success than the Venezuelan overseas development aid approach. The two different approaches to Latin American leadership point to a substantive difference in how the regional system should operate in geopolitical and geo-economic terms, with the Brazilians favouring a market-oriented system in opposition to Venezuela’s statist option. Contestation for regional leadership as set out in the article emerges as an early indicator of a chilling of relations between Brazil and Venezuela and points to a future scenario where other regional states may be able to play off contending would-be leaders.
Sean Burges and Jean Daudelin (2007), “Brazil: How Realists Defend Democracy.” In Thomas Legler, Sharon F. Lean, and Dexter S. Boniface, eds., Promoting Democracy in the Americas (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University Press).
Our results thus point away from a constructivist outlook towards a more realist perspective which privileges motives such as the maintenance of sovereignty and autonomy —a perennial goal of Brazilian foreign policy — and instruments such as coercion instead of ideational influence to protect and promote democracy. The rest of the paper is divided in three parts. First we examine briefly the issues of democratization and intervention. We then present an outline of Brazil's reaction to democratic crises in the region and analyze those results in a third section. After a brief conclusion, finally, an annex presents a brief synopsis of each of the crises examined and of Brazil's reaction to them.
Barry Carr (2007),"Hacia una historia de los comunismos mexicanos: desafios y sugerencias" Elvira Concheiro, Massimo Modonesi and Horacio Crespi (eds), El comunismo: otras miradas desde América Latina (Mexico City: UNAM & CIICH, 2007).
Barry Carr (2007), "La crisis del Partido Comunista Mexicano y el caso Trotsky 1939-1940", Elvira Concheiro, Massimo Modonesi and Horacio Crespi (eds), El comunismo: otras
miradas desde américa latina (Mexico City: UNAM & CIICH, 2007).
John Minns (2006), The Politics of Developmentalism in Mexico, Taiwan and South Korea: The Midas States of Mexico, South Korea and Taiwan (London: Palgrave Macmillan).
Minns argues that the industrial transformations of Mexico, South Korea and Taiwan were based on the existence of powerful developmentalist states in each. The book explores the origins of these states and their dynamics and connects the form of autonomy they enjoy within their countries to the policies they pursue and the way in which they negotiate their position within the world economy. However, the causes of the decline of the developmentalist state are already present at its birth. The author argues that the circumstances that gave rise to the developmentalism of these states were unique to each. The ability to conduct ruthless but focused developmental policies for several decades was a consequence. Not only were these powers rare, they were also transitory. The very success of these three states in promoting industrialization changed the social structure of their countries dramatically and, in so doing, altered both the pressures on the developmentalist state and its internal composition. There followed a rapid retreat from developmentalism.
Alaistair Greig (2006), “Canberra,” in P. Beilharz & T. Hogan eds, Relocating Sociology: Place, Time, Division (Oxford: Oxford University Press): pp. 47-51.
Sean Burges (2006), “Canada’s Post-Colonial Problem: The United States and Canada’s International Policy Statement,” Canadian Foreign Policy 13 (1) (2006): 97-111.
Through an analysis of the text in the five documents released in the April 2005 Canadian International Policy Statement (IPS) this article argues that a significant problem in Canadian foreign policy formulation is an obsession with the United States. Just as Frantz Fanon argued that the colonized could never be free until they accepted the influence of the colonizer, this article suggests that the Canadian foreign policy-making establishment and the wider public struggle with hybridity and the importance of the bilateral relationship with the United States. Sustained efforts at differentiating Canada from the United States in the foreign policy field point to an intrinsic problem of identity. Despite the profound importance of the United States to a whole range of Canadian policies, the different volumes of the IPS display a sustained attempt to downplay the significances of the bilateral relationship, while simultaneously setting forth a foreign policy agenda tightly focused on the United States.
Alaistair Greig, D Hulme and M Turner (2006), “Class,” in D. Clark ed., The Elgar Companion to Development Studies (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing).
Alaistair Greig, (2006), “Rhetoric and Reality in the Clothing Industry: The Case of Post-Fordism,” in H. Beynon & T. Nichols eds, Patterns of Work in the Post-Fordist Era: Fordism and PostFordism (Cheltenham: Edward Elgar Publishing).
Sean Burges (2006), “Without Sticks or Carrots: Brazilian Leadership in South America During the Cardoso Era, 1992-2002.” Bulletin of Latin American Research 25 (1) (January, 2006): 23-42.
Throughout the Fernando Henrique Cardoso presidency Brazil actively pursued a South American leadership project. The distinctive and central feature of this policy was its attempt to operate without the coercion or explicit payoffs often associated with ‘leading’ in mainstream international relations literature. Instead, efforts were devoted to constructing an inclusive project that sought extended and unconscious cooperation from other states through a transfer of ‘ownership’ of the continental project. An examination of three cases – the 1994 Summit of the Americas, interregionalism and South American infrastructure integration – is used to demonstrate the techniques employed by Brazil as well as to highlight the limitations implicit in the Brazilian leadership strategy.
Barry Carr (2006), Entries and essays on 8 topics (including Fidel Castro, Che Guevara, Francois (Papa Doc) Duvalier; the US Intervention in the Dominican Republic 1965, the 1945 Chapultepec Conference, El Salvador, Bolivia, Venezuela for the Spencer Tucker
(ed), Encyclopedia of the Cold War (ABC-Clio, 2006).
Barry Carr (2006), 'Border Crossings: Radical, Worker and Union Transnationalisms in Mexico and Latin America 1910-2006", Dialogue: Academy of the Social Sciences in Australia,Vol. 25 (2/2006), pp. 33-43.